Diplomatic Solution Quotes

Maybe that’s how it has to be. Maybe there is no diplomatic solution for this? Perhaps one of them has to die?

She was a riddle, who mysteriously possessed her own solution, a secret, and what are all diplomats' secrets compared with this, an enigma, and what in all the world is so beautiful as the word that solves it?

Author says her father was so diplomatic that when people came to him for solutions, people not only accepted them, but they believed they thought of them.

I took offense to his dismissive response. Further discussion ensued. Eventually it appeared that the most diplomatic solution was to stick his fucking head in toilet water.

You’ll try to come up with a diplomatic solution that evenly distributes the blame, and therefore gives you both a chance to apologize and make up. But in the end, you’ll find that you’re the only one apologizing.

Elite diplomats have explained that their goal at a bargaining table isn’t seizing victory, but rather convincing the other side to become collaborators in uncovering new solutions that no one thought of before. Negotiation, among its top practitioners, isn’t a battle. It’s an act of creativity.

Her passion is hard to forget. I still remember one dinner at my grandfather's house. The whole extended family was there, and Marti, at the time, refused to eat at the same table where flesh was being served. Half the family was fine with that. But the other half wanted chicken. The solution? We had to set up two separate tables in the dining room--a meat table and a nonmeat table. My diplomatic grandparents didn't want to take sides, so they sat at a third table in the middle, a dietary DMZ/

Complex operations, in which agencies assume complementary roles and operate in close proximity-often with similar missions but conflicting mandates-accentuate these tensions. The tensions are evident in the processes of analyzing complex environments, planning for complex interventions, and implementing complex operations. Many reports and analyses forecast that these complex operations are precisely those that will demand our attention most in the indefinite future. As essayist Barton and O'Connell note, our intelligence and understanding of the root cause of conflict, multiplicity of motivations and grievances, and disposition of actors is often inadequate. Moreover, the problems that complex operations are intended and implemented to address are convoluted, and often inscrutable. They exhibit many if not all the characteristics of "wicked problems," as enumerated by Rittel and Webber in 1973: they defy definitive formulations; any proposed solution or intervention causes the problem to mutate, so there is no second chance at a solution; every situation is unique; each wicked problem can be considered a symptom of another problem. As a result, policy objectives are often compound and ambiguous. The requirements of stability, for example, in Afghanistan today, may conflict with the requirements for democratic governance. Efforts to establish an equitable social contract may well exacerbate inter-communal tensions that can lead to violence. The rule of law, as we understand it, may displace indigenous conflict management and stabilization systems. The law of unintended consequences may indeed be the only law of the land. The complexity of the challenges we face in the current global environment would suggest the obvious benefit of joint analysis - bringing to bear on any given problem the analytic tools of military, diplomatic and development analysts. Instead, efforts to analyze jointly are most often an afterthought, initiated long after a problem has escalated to a level of urgency that negates much of the utility of deliberate planning.

Where the parties speak different languages the chance for misinterpretation is compounded. For example, in Persian, the word “compromise” apparently lacks the positive meaning it has in English of “a midway solution both sides can live with,” but has only a negative meaning as in “our integrity was compromised.” Similarly, the word “mediator” in Persian suggests “meddler,” someone who is barging in uninvited. In early 1980 U.N. Secretary General Kurt Waldheim flew to Iran to seek the release of American diplomats being held hostage by Iranian students soon after the Islamic revolution. His efforts were seriously set back when Iranian national radio and television broadcast in Persian a remark he reportedly made on his arrival in Tehran: “I have come as a mediator to work out a compromise.” Within an hour of the broadcast, his car was being stoned by angry Iranians.

Ryan was complex—he was big-hearted and caring but also resolute and direct. He once e-mailed me an audio clip of a television news interview he gave after a group of Navy SEALs rescued the captain of the Maersk Alabama tanker ship. Pirates had taken the ship and the captain hostage off the coast of Somalia, Africa. The story was later made into the film Captain Phillips, starring Tom Hanks. A team of Navy SEAL snipers shot and killed all but one of the hostage takers, who had placed themselves and their hostage in a desperate situation. Ryan told the TV reporter, “Despite what your momma told you, violence does solve problems.”1 I understood exactly what Ryan meant—there was no diplomatic or political solution to the crisis, and allowing pirates to take American vessels and crews hostage would set a bad precedent in other parts of the globe. Weeks before, in fact, the pirates had killed other hostages. Ryan’s statement was in no way meant to be bravado; he was merely conveying the fact that many times violence brings about a successful conclusion to a hostage crisis. The SEALs spoke the only language that the Somali pirates understood: violence. Apparently, the SEALs’ response acted as a deterrent, since the Somali pirates have consequently stayed clear of US flagged vessels. Chris Kyle later turned Ryan’s statement into a patch he wore on his hat.

Man is an irrational creature...for he seeks pleasure instead of abstinence, lies and deceit, instead of counsel and advice, violence and war, instead of withhold and peace, and easy wanton ignorance and gluttony, instead of hard sought after wisdom and moderation...man has grown indifferent to the sufferings of his fellow man and neighbor, for he only cares as to whether there is any monetary gain or financial reward, for his immediate and erstwhile assistance...man, in this current age, has completely lost the ability to engage in disciplined learning and fair and honest debate, for instead he would rather believe in lies and falsehoods, for it only confirms his prejudicial beliefs and irrational fears, all fed to him by the so-called, "fair and balanced" news media...he is a patriot for all the wrong reasons, for his patriotism is one of selfish jingoism, instead of an objective and unadulterated, "universal brotherhood", that seeks to find common ground and common solutions across the diplomatic table, instead of blind "sabre rattling" and childish and superficial flag waving...man's blind and puerile barbarism is what will ultimately do him in, in the very end, for the prophets of the present who tried to warn him as he stood at the edge of a moral and spiritual precipice, will be the ones who will wear a quiet and confirming smile, as man and his erstwhile shadow of ignorance, will be cast into the bottomless pit, of eternal damnation and doom...

I was starting to look different from my Democratic rivals in more ways than the obvious one. During a debate in late July, I was shown images of Fidel Castro, Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, North Korean leader Kim Jong Il, and a couple of other despots and asked if I’d be prepared to meet with any of them during my first year in office. Without hesitation, I said yes—I’d meet with any world leader if I thought it could advance U.S. interests. Well, you would have thought I had said the world was flat. When the debate was over, Clinton, Edwards, and a bunch of the other candidates pounced, accusing me of being naïve, insisting that a meeting with the American president was a privilege to be earned. The press corps in large part seemed to agree. Perhaps even a few months earlier I might have gotten wobbly, second-guessing my choice of words and issuing a clarifying statement afterward. But I had my legs beneath me now and was convinced I was right, particularly on the more general principle that America shouldn’t be afraid to engage its adversaries or push for diplomatic solutions to conflict. As far as I was concerned, it was this disregard for diplomacy that had led Hillary and the rest—not to mention the mainstream press—to follow George W. Bush into war.

But I had my legs beneath me now and was convinced I was right, particularly on the more general principle that America shouldn’t be afraid to engage its adversaries or push for diplomatic solutions to conflict.

In a democracy, you cannot blame only a leading leader but also the entire leadership, including the voters’ choice, if the party fails to fulfill its promises. Prose, whether in the form of a quotation or something else, expresses various colours of character and life in its context and accurately mirrors society; therefore, read not only the content of the writing but also understand and share what you think will enlighten others’ lives. What are the attributes of a leader? When the nation understands and realizes that, it blocks the route for the leadership, with the foresight, upon dishonest, rude, and immoral ones. Otherwise, the rope of idiocy remains in the hands of idiots. The day you vote is an opportunity to vote not for a leader but for a party manifesto and constructive thoughts and plans. Indeed, you will have good fortune, a bright and joyful social status, and prosperity will always be a part of your society and life. You are the real leader of the universe if you also lead the hearts and not just the minds. The mind keeps the knowledge while the heart showers the fragrance of love towards the soul; it is the base and circle of the knowledge. A leader doesn’t mean to have governmental power; it means to lead its people on the right, secure, equal, fair, and visionary way of life. Be a leader, not a lawyer and judge, not an official; express party program(me) honestly for the nation and face all the challenges before accusing, abusing, and blaming others. Indeed, it shows dignity and venerable leadership. The opposition leaders and those in power can keep reputable the four pillars of democracy in the context of constitutional duties, transparent justice, truth, and honesty; they can also discredit those by their wrong character and fallacious decisions and deeds. Real and true leader neither has a special status nor contradict others. If he keeps the distance in any way or shape If he says things that don’t exist If he brings you in a destructive direction If he what promises, but do not keep his words If he put you naked in the open sky and himself in a comfortable tent If he gives you false hopes rather than the practical helping He is just an opportunist, a cheater, and a liar but not a leader. Promises of the leader before the election build expectations in the minds of voters, and after winning the election, those cause humiliation in the eyes of voters if the leader fails to fulfill them. Therefore, fly not so high that you cannot land easily; be honest with yourself. Political leadership is a significant spirit and defense of the armed forces of any state, whereas the armed forces are a protective shield for them. Both are compulsory for each other, as the political leadership has one point, and the armed forces have zero points, which becomes ten points. Otherwise, it stays one or zero, establishing nothing. A selfish and empty of vision and solution leadership prefers its own political and personal benefits and interests instead of its people; indeed, it collapses in the face of ruffians and traitors of the constitution. As a reality, such a state and all institutions face conspiracies in global affairs; consequently, diplomatic isolation and trade failure become destiny; it leads towards destruction with self-adopted strategy and character.

Finlandization” features among the frequently proposed solutions.

Everyone knew we were deadly serious revolutionaries, not "revolutionaries" seeking a "peaceful political solution" by diplomatic means and using fighting as a side show to demonstrate that we could cause trouble. The masses were for liberation, not capitulation; they rallied behind their Front as the exponent of people's war and protracted armed struggle.

In the light of this, it seems to me, we should recognize that the problem of climate change that occupies international negotiations today is not in fact a diplomatic problem. It is primarily a scientific problem: the problem of discovering a cheap and effective source of clean energy that will remove both the cost of signing up to a treaty and the motive to defect from it. The solution to this scientific problem is indeed more likely to be found through international cooperation – but cooperation among scientists, not among states.

How to Write a Suggestion Letter No need to ramble on about your environmental concerns or the ideology behind your lifestyle. Keep your letter short and concise, your words tactful and courteous, and your content diplomatic and hopeful. In short, write a letter that you would like to receive. 1. Start with gratitude: state your appreciation for the company, such as the efficiency, affordability, or availability of their product or service. 2. Show understanding of the current practice employed. 3. Address the problem. 4. Propose up to three constructive solutions. 5. Support your solutions with working examples: how other companies have addressed the problem effectively. 6. Mention how the change would benefit your addressee, focusing on financial profit. 7. Gracefully conclude with a positive note.

One of the biggest obstacles on the path of peace, or even peaceful coexistence, between Israelis and Palestinians was placed by the international community and media when it redefined Hamas as an "organization." One result is that outsiders try to reach a solution based on the assumption that Hamas has structure and leaders. It does not. It has no "political wing" or "militant wing." Hamas is a loosely-knit band of terrorists. Its leaders are whoever has weapons, plans, and influence. Hamas is thuggish and cowardly. Those who fly the green flag are not military combatants. Nor do they represent, or care a whit, for the Palestinian people, as evidenced by their strategy of hiding in and fighting from schools, clinics, hospitals, and people's homes. After what passed for an election some Hamas terrorists were further redefined as politicians and diplomats, though they were neither politic nor diplomatic, evidenced by the fact that many "govern" from Israeli prisons. Prior to the Second Intifada, which began in 2000, Hamas had been emasculated and nearly eradicated by Yassir Arafat, who rounded up, disarmed, and imprisoned the terrorist "leaders," leaving its remaining members to return to their homes. Arafat ensured that members of Hamas had no place to hide among the Palestinian people. And that is the only way the terrorist cancer in Gaza will be excised today. In the absence of Arafat, the task falls by default to Israel, which would do better to enable the citizens of Gaza to purge themselves of Hamas and reward them for doing so than try to get rid of the bad apples by blowing up the barrel, if you'll excuse the mixed metaphor.

The foreign ministers were unsettled too by the buzz around the report’s insistence on a new diplomatic push that would involve talking to Iran—a kind of regional solution to the Iraq problem. They were rightly suspicious that the Iranians would use their enhanced diplomatic perch that would come with U.S. consultations to further their influence in the region, and the ministers wanted a promise that the United States was not about to sell out to Tehran to end the war in Iraq.

As Sarah Maza has echoed in her own work, “Trying to fit a scenario from the past onto one in the present can be disastrous: ‘We will liberate Iraq, as we did Europe!’ ‘Don’t go for a diplomatic solution—remember Munich!’”19

Negotiability: "No power can agree to negotiate about what it considers the condition of its existence." — Henry A. Kissinger, 1964 Negotiability: "What's mine is mine, what's yours is negotiable." Attitude attributed to Soviet negotiators Negotiability: "Negotiation is necessary to solve a problem when both parties are equal, when each has the power to block the other's attainment of its goal, or when both parties' agreement is needed for a solution." — I. William Zartman and Maureen R. Berman, 1982

There was, finally, the critical question of how to define the program’s borders. To exclude the East was to invite blame for creating the iron curtain; to include it was to invite Soviet sabotage. The solution, Kennan argued, was to advance the project as a “general European (not just western European)” one, but in a manner ensuring that “the Russian satellite countries would either exclude themselves by unwillingness to accept the proposed conditions or agree to abandon the exclusive orientation of their economies.” Either way the satellites chose, the United States would win diplomatically

The war in Ukraine probably will not be decided by fighting. And so far diplomacy and a cease-fire agreement have failed. The best hope is that the Ukrainian people will seek a solution. They have experienced nearly 5,000 casualties in the war with tens of thousands of people displaced. They may also tire of their churches blurring the line between the religious and secular spheres. Russians, too, may tire of the Orthodox Church being used for political purposes, especially as more Russian soldiers die in Ukraine. The front to watch in the war may not be on the battlefield or in the diplomatic offices of Europe. The people and their church leaders could finally set the conditions for peace. ========== The Christian Science Monitor (The Christian Science Monitor) - Clip This Article on Location 526 | Added on Thursday, February 5, 2015 5:43:08 PM

A selfish and empty of vision and solution leadership prefers its own political and personal benefits and interests, instead of its people; indeed, it collapses in the face of ruffians and traitors of the constitution. As a reality, such a state and all institutions face conspiracies in global affairs; consequently, diplomatic isolation and trade failure become destiny; it leads towards destruction with self-adopted strategy and character.

In many ways, Washington’s letter to Mason foretells the success of the American Revolution: he tried to be law-abiding, endorsed incremental change, and favored violence only if all else failed. Unlike the French Revolution, the American Revolution started with a series of measured protests by men schooled in self-government, a long, exhaustive search for a diplomatic solution, before moving toward open rebellion. Later on, nothing incensed Washington more than the notion that the colonists had proved unreasonable during the run-up to war.

Not unlike Mussolini in his early laissez-faire period with Alberto De Stefani, Hitler named as his first minister of finance the conservative Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk. For a time, the Führer left foreign policy in the hands of professional diplomats (with the aristocratic Constantin von Neurath as foreign minister) and the army in the hands of professional soldiers. But Hitler’s drive to shrink the normative state and expand the prerogative state was much more sustained than Mussolini’s. Total master of his party, Hitler exploited its radical impulses for his own aggrandizement against the old elites and rarely (after the exemplary bloodbath of June 1934) needed to rein it in. Another suggested key to radicalization is the chaotic nature of fascist rule. Contrary to wartime propaganda and to an enduring popular image, Nazi Germany was not a purring, well-oiled machine. Hitler allowed party agencies to compete with more traditional state offices, and he named loyal lieutenants to overlapping jobs that pitted them against each other. The ensuing “feudal” struggles for supremacy within and between party and state shocked those Germans proud of their country’s traditional superbly trained and independent civil service. Fritz-Dietlof Count von der Schulenburg, a young Prussian official initially attracted to Nazism, lamented in 1937 that “the formerly unified State power has been split into a number of separate authorities; Party and professional organizations work in the same areas and overlap with no clear divisions of responsibility.” He feared “the end of a true Civil Service and the emergence of a subservient bureaucracy.” We saw in the previous chapter how the self-indulgently bohemian Hitler spent as little time as possible on the labors of government, at least until the war. He proclaimed his visions and hatreds in speeches and ceremonies, and allowed his ambitious underlings to search for the most radical way to fulfill them in a Darwinian competition for attention and reward. His lieutenants, fully aware of his fanatical views, “worked toward the Führer,” who needed mainly to arbitrate among them. Mussolini, quite unlike Hitler in his commitment to the drudgery of government, refused to delegate and remained suspicious of competent associates—a governing style that produced more inertia than radicalization. War provided fascism’s clearest radicalizing impulse. It would be more accurate to say that war played a circular role in fascist regimes. Early fascist movements were rooted in an exaltation of violence sharpened by World War I, and war making proved essential to the cohesion, discipline, and explosive energy of fascist regimes. Once undertaken, war generated both the need for more extreme measures, and popular acceptance of them. It seems a general rule that war is indispensable for the maintenance of fascist muscle tone (and, in the cases we know, the occasion for its demise). It seems clear that both Hitler and Mussolini deliberately chose war as a necessary step in realizing the full potential of their regimes. They wanted to use war to harden internal society as well as to conquer vital space. Hitler told Goebbels, “the war . . . made possible for us the solution of a whole series of problems that could never have been solved in normal times.

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American political science research and is meant to cater to basic American positions and stances on the issue. Most users of the language that surrounds the two-state solution as the ideal settlement are probably sincere when employing it. This language has helped Western diplomats and politicians remain ineffective—either out of will or necessity—in the face of continuing Israeli oppression. Expressions and phrases like “a land for two people,” “the peace process,” “the Israel-Palestine conflict,” “the need to stop the violence on both sides,” “negotiations,” or “the two-state solution” come straight out of a contemporary version of Orwell’s 1984.

Conciliation: The quasi-judicial process by which a third party (or group of parties or international organization) attempts to broker a solution to a dispute by assisting the parties to it to define the facts of a dispute and to reach agreement on the trade-offs necessary to resolve it. Conciliation, unlike mediation, presupposes that the conciliator is impartial, has no direct interests of its own at stake in the dispute, and will not itself intervene to alter the calculus of the parties. Contrast also Arbitration. Conciliation: "First, all means to conciliate; failing that, all means to crush." — Cardinal Richelieu

Mediation: The process by which a third party (or group of parties), whose interests will be affected by the perpetuation of a dispute or by its particular outcome, fosters and participates in negotiations between the direct parties to a dispute, assisting them to recognize common interests and to compose a solution on the basis of these interests. Unlike the more disinterested process of conciliation, mediation may entail intervention by the mediator to alter both the situation and the calculus of the parties in a manner designed to reinforce stalemate, preclude unilateral action by one of the parties to impose a solution, and thereby promote the trade-offs necessary to achieve a settlement of differences between the parties. It is a process that makes especially heavy demands on the skill and tact of the mediator. See also Conciliation.

Whatever the problem, the diplomatic negotiator must display reliability and credibility. He tries to create trust and to seem both honest and fair. He must strive to understand the other side’s concerns. Stamina, precision, clarity, courage, patience, and an even temper are necessary, though calculated impatience or anger may be used as a tactic. A skilled negotiator has a sense of timing, knowing when to use threats, warnings, or concessions. Sometimes a third party is discreetly used to facilitate initial contact or to press the sides toward agreement. The negotiator must be persuasive, flexible, tenacious, and creative in devising new solutions or reframing issues from a new angle to convince the other party that agreement is in its interest. Smaller and easier issues are tackled first, building an area of agreement, which is then stressed to create a stake in success, whereas harder issues are postponed and played down. Through a process of proposal and counterproposal, inducement and pressure, the diplomat keeps talking and, in the last analysis, proceeds by trial and error. (Excerpt from "Encyclopædia Britannica: Diplomacy")

Mediation, ripe moments: "The success of mediation is tied to the perception and creation of a ripe moment in the conflict — either when the parties are locked in a mutual, hurting, stalemate marked by a recent or impending catastrophe; when unilateral solutions are blocked and joint solutions become conceivable; or when the 'ups' and 'downs' start to shift their relative power positions. Parties can come to perceive these moments themselves, to be sure, but they frequently need the help of a conciliator." — I. William Zartman, 1985 Mediation of adjustments: "Conflict resolution plays on perceptions of an intolerable situation. Things 'can't go on like this.' Without this perception, the conciliator must persuade the parties that escalation to break out of deadlock is impossible. Indeed, the conciliator may be required to make it impossible, if necessary. Thus, deadlock cannot be seen merely as a temporary stalemate, to be easily resolved in one's favor by a little effort or even by a big offensive or a gamble or foreign assistance. Rather, each party must recognize its opponent's strength and its own inability to overcome it. For the conciliator, this means emphasizing the dangers of deadlock as each party comes to recognize the other's strength. Each party's unilateral policy option (the action that it can take alone without negotiation) must be seen as a more expensive and less likely way of achieving a possible, acceptable outcome than the policy of negotiation." — I. William Zartman, 1985

International organizations: International organizations are often formed to give expression to a concept of regional or ideological unity that transcends the national interests of member states and their ruling elites. Such organizations are meant to harmonize the policies of their member states. To the extent they succeed in doing so, they pander to the lowest common denominator of their members' interests and paralyze initiative; they thereby become an embarrasing obstacle to problem solving. To the extent they fail to harmonize their members' policies, they come to be seen as impotent or irrelevant — diplomatic fog factories, filling the air with vapid rhetoric and sophistry that obfuscates rather than clarifies or facilitates solution of the question before them. Such international organizations are obvious fora of choice for governments seeking formal refuge from efforts to address issues they would rather not see resolved. International organizations, limitation of: Where patriotism is a virtue it is hard to espouse a brotherhood that laughs at boundaries.

Adjustment: "Diplomacy is interested in achieving and making do with the adjustments that can be obtained by bargaining and compromise without resort to force or the disruption of international society. Adjustment is a valuable concept: related on the one hand to what is just, and on the other to the concept of balance, aiming at solutions which are not absolute but shifting, relying on persuasion, and like all diplomacy accommodating international society to the winds of change. These adjustments by persuation are sometimes aptly called the brokerage of the system. Brokerage of this kind is more conductive to generally accepted norms of justice than the ever-present alternative of a resort to force." — Adam Watson, 1983

Precision: "Diplomacy, if it is ever to be effective, should be a disagreeable business. ...It would be interesting to analyse how many false decisions, how many fatal misunderstandings, have arisen from such pleasant qualities as shyness, consideration, affability or ordinary good manners." — Harold Nicolson Precision: "There is nothing more important in negotiation than to make it perfectly clear what was agreed upon. ... The lines should be made so clear that little or nothing can be read between or behind them." — Lester B. Pearson, 1959 Precision: "In diplomacy, many problems are solved by not being too precise and public about solutions." — George P. Shultz, 1993 Prejudice: "The basic rule is that neither admiration of his host country nor lack of it must ever be allowed to color a diplomat's judgment respecting his own country's interest. Nor must it disfigure in any other way the objective and professional character of his performance." — William Macomber, 1975

Pressure, rejection of: Warnings by a state that it will never yield to pressure are a standard diplomatic ploy by which it attempts to determine what concessions are required from it to reach a settlement. Principle, agreement in: "Principles are fine; they entail no commitment." — Napoleon Principles: "A people that values privileges above its principles soon loses both." — Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1953 Principles: "The ... diplomat must always seek to avoid disputes over principle. 'If you want a war, nourish a doctrine,' William Graham Sumner wrote years ago. It is a timeless truth. For when doctrine or principle enter the picture, the prospects for compromise and conciliation markedly decline." — William Macomber, 1975 Principles: "Principles — such as self-determination, the inviolability of frontiers, or noninterference in internal affairs — are important legitimizers for political solutions and should be used as such, but should not dictate the choice of the solution. Principles are no guide to a choice among themselves; indeed, the cause of conflict can usually be traced to the parties' self-interested adherence to conflicting principles. It is better to seek a balanced distribution of power than to apply a pure principle. ... Conflict resolution requires an outcome that has something for everyone. Parties cannot be expected to give up their claims without receiving compensation." — I. William Zartman, 1985

Reporting, honesty in: "Hold it as a maxim that displeasing things must be sent as well as pleasing ones, and the prince, in the end, if he is a man of wisdom and understanding, will be better satisfied with the ambassador who will not have concealed from him any item he may have learnt where he is stationed, than with the one who, to spare him annoyance, will have abstained from writing unpleasant things but which it would have been of interest for him to know in time." — Bishop Danès, 1561 cited by J. J. Jusserand Reporting, memoranda of conversation: "No one ever lost an argument in his own memorandum of conversation." — Dean Acheson Reporting, purpose of: The purpose of diplomatic reporting is not just to anticipate and analyze events. It is to point out the implications of trends for national interests and to enable governments to act to shape events to their advantage and to the disadvantage of their adversaries. Reporting, reward for honest: The rewards for diplomats who report honestly and forthrightly on foreign developments that contradict the convictions of their leaders at home have been well established by history. They will first be ignored, then charged with disloyalty, and, finally, dismissed. Diplomatic reporting is therefore always a contest between the professional integrity of those doing it abroad and the prejudices of those who read it at home. Reporting, style of: Diplomatic reports are useful only if read by those with the capacity to address the problems they identify and the solutions they propose. Reporting, style of: "The zeal and efficiency of a diplomatic representative is measured by the quality and not by the quantity of the information he supplies. He is expected to do a great deal of filtering for himself, and not simply to pour out upon us over these congested wires all the contradictory gossip which he hears." — Winston Churchill

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War, negotiation as a path to: The object of a negotiation can be either agreement or rupture. If the desired outcome of the negotiations is rupture and the manufacture of a casus belli, it is best to phrase one's demands in terms of principles with wide appeal, the application of which would be ruinous for one's opponent in the matter at issue. One should insist on discussing these principles rather than practical solutions to the problems at hand in order to lay a basis for charging one's opponent with such unreasonable disregard for principle as to have made dealing with him impossible. On the other hand, if the object is to reach agreement, it is best to phrase one's demands in terms of the practical results they will produce and to stress the benefits or lack of concrete injury their acceptance will bring to the other side. War, objectives of: "He who wishes to fight must first reckon the cost." — Cao Cao (曹操曰：欲战，必先算其费，务因粮于敌也。See Sun Tzu's Art of War with Eleven Strategists' Annotations《十一家注孙子》) War objectives of: "It is fatal to enter any war without the will to win it." — Douglas MacArthur, 1952 War, objectives of: "Stay your hand or strike to kill; half measures leave walking enemies." Proverb

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Summit meetings, agreements at: "Experience teaches us that the higher the summit the flimsier the agreements. Top-level politicians are much too impatient to watch details, important as they may be, and are always in a hurry to shake hands to mark a 'rapprochement' or other agreements. As one American diplomat once said to me: On an icy summit there grows only what you have carried up there. So it is wise to send conscientious, publicity-shy individuals ahead to prepare the texts and give the top officials concise information about the points especially to be watched." — Karl Gruber, 1983 Summit meetings, case for: "Solution [of exceptionally difficult international problems] frequently requires resources beyond those of the most competent and qualified diplomatists. Such questions can only be settled in Conferences by persons who have their hand on the pulse of the political conditions and currents of thought in their respective countries, who have at immediate disposal all the technical knowledge which Government possess; who know how far they can persuade their fellow countrymen to go in the direction of compromise; and who, insomuch as they ahve to defend their policy before their respective parliaments, are alone in a position to make real concessions. In former days, when the final responsibility rested with a sovereign or a government these matters could be entrusted to an ambassador. Nowadays, when governments are often responsible to Parliaments elected on the widest franchise, it is no longer advisable to rely entirely on intermediaries." — Lord Hankey, 1946 Summit meetings, defects of: What is wrong with summits is insufficient preparation, lack of clear purpose, inflated expectations, and too much ballyhoo. In short, summits are magnificent entertainment; but are they diplomacy?

States, revolutionary: Revolutionary powers are those that regard the existing order of things as unjust and are prepared to act to overthrow it. Statesmen, as strategists: "A good strategist ... [cannot] be content merely with meeting and averting immediate dangers. To deal with such dangers when and as they arise often requires skill, nay, very great skill, but it belongs to the tactical and not the strategic order. Good strategy implies something more than mere survival, something more than the discovery of expedients to meet sudden emergencies and to pospone the day of the decisive battle, something more than the invention of ingenious formulae to parade as an agreement in the absence of a settlement. Tactics without strategy lead only to temporary solutions which as often as not result in the creation of new problems and the perpetuation of a never-ending choice of evils. The power to sense the future, to live in it and act up to it is an essential part of the farsighted statesman. He must possess a fine perception of all the indications of coming change and the ability to divine the high import of things from the signs which to most are imperceptible and unintelligible." — Victor Wellesley, 1944

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