C Mccarthy Quotes

I could fuck you or kill you and not care about either

Margaret Atwood, J.G. Ballard, Ray Bradbury, Jim Crace, Arthur C. Clarke, Russell Hoban, Anna Kavan, Doris Lessing, Cormac McCarthy, Walter M. Miller, Tim O’Brien, Will Self and Marcel Theroux,

Se vuoi aiutare chi è nei guai, devi andare dove stanno i guai. C'è poco da scegliere.

Condon, quick on his feet, replied that the accusation was untrue. He was not a revolutionary in physics. He raised his right hand: “I believe in Archimedes’ Principle, formulated in the third century B.C. I believe in Kepler’s laws of planetary motion, discovered in the seventeenth century. I believe in Newton’s laws.…” And on he went, invoking the illustrious names of Bernoulli, Fourier, Ampère, Boltzmann, and Maxwell.

Being in politics is like being a football coach. You have to be smart enough to understand the game, but dumb enough to think it’s important. — Senator Eugene McCarthy “Dick,

Free expression is the gateway to assimilation. Consequently, radical Islam cannot tolerate it.

A conquest ideology takes well-meaning accommodation as weakness and always demands more.

There was never a shred of evidence that the Trump campaign conspired with the Kremlin. Not to commit espionage. Not to violate any law. Zip, zero, nada.

The investigation was built on a fraud.

Harurile Atotputernicului sunt cântărite și drămuite pe un cântar numai al lui. Nu-i socoteală dreaptă și bag mâna-n foc c-ar fi primul care s-o recunoască dacă-l întrebi verde-n față.

The key to the conquest strategy is to coerce the West into accepting a Muslim right to resist assimilation, to regard sharia as superseding Western law and custom when the two conflict.

And obviously: If they had a sound reason, grounded in real evidence, for suspecting a presidential candidate was in a corrupt conspiracy with a foreign power, they should not only be able to tell us what it is; they should be anxious to tell us what it is.

The Obama administration exploited every tool in its arsenal (surveillance, informants, foreign-intelligence agencies, moribund and constitutionally untenable criminal statutes) to try to make a criminal case on Trump—the candidate Obama deeply opposed—despite the absence of incriminating evidence.

Nessuna lista di cose da fare. Ogni giornata sufficiente a se stessa. Ogni ora. Non c'è un dopo. Il dopo è già qui. Tutte le cose piene di grazia e bellezza che ci portiamo nel cuore hanno un'origine comune nel dolore. Nascono dal cordoglio e dalle ceneri. Ecco, sussurrò al bambino addormentato. Io ho te.

Tu credi che quando ti svegli la mattina quello che è successo ieri non conta. Invece è l'unica cosa che conta. La tua vita è fatta dei giorni che hai vissuto. Non c'è altro. Magari pensi di poter scappare via e cambiare nome o non so cosa, di ricominciare daccapo. E poi una mattina ti svegli, guardi il soffitto, e indovina chi è la persona sdraiata nel letto?

Vous ne me laisserez pas plaider ma cause. Je connais votre cause. Votre cause c'est qu'il s'est passé certaines choses sur lesquelles vous n'avez aucun pouvoir. C'est vrai. Je suis certaine que c'est vrai. Mais ça ne fait pas une cause. Je n'ai pas de sympathie pour les gens auxquels des choses arrivent. C'est peut-être la malchance, mais est-ce que cela doit compter en leur faveur ?

I lupi selezionano i lupi, amico. Quale altra creatura potrebbe farlo? E la razza umana non è ancora più rapace? Tutte le cose del mondo sbocciano, maturano e muoiono, ma in quelle dell'uomo non c'è tramonto e il mezzodì del suo fiorire è già l'inizio della notte. Il suo spirito si esaurisce nel momento stesso in cui raggiunge l'acme. Per lui il meridiano è insieme il crepuscolo e la sera del giorno. Gli piace giocare? Faccia la sua puntata.

Elephant Memories. William Morrow, 1988. Moss, Cynthia J., Harvey Croze, and Phyllis C. Lee, eds. The Amboseli Elephants. University of Chicago Press, 2011. Masson, Jeffrey Moussaieff, and Susan McCarthy. When Elephants Weep. Delacorte Press, 1995. O’Connell, Caitlin. The Elephant’s Secret Sense. Free Press, 2007. Poole, Joyce. Coming of Age with Elephants. Hyperion, 1996. Sheldrick, Daphne. Love, Life, and Elephants. Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2012. And dozens of academic papers written by researchers who continue to study elephants and elephant society. There

Friday, October 3, 1952, Eisenhower was slated to defend Marshall in no uncertain terms. “I know that charges of disloyalty have, in the past, been leveled against General George C. Marshall,” Eisenhower was to have said. “I have been privileged for thirty-five years to know General Marshall personally. I know him, as a man and as a soldier, to be dedicated with singular selflessness and the profoundest patriotism to the service of America. And this episode is a sobering lesson in the way freedom must not defend itself.” Ike never uttered the words. Talked out of it by political advisers who thought it unwise to antagonize McCarthy and his supporters

Magari potresti provarci, a ricominciare da zero. Non intendo ricominciare e basta, quello l'hanno fatto tutti. Da zero significa da zero. Significa prendere e andare. Cioè, se tutto quello che hai e tutto quello che hai fatto alla fine ti ha portato sul fondo di una bottiglia di whiskey o ti ha regalato un bel biglietto di sola andata sul Sunset Limited, allora non mi puoi portare uno straccio di motivo al mondo per dover salvare qualcosa, di tutta quella roba lì. Perché non c'è motivo al mondo. E ti voglio dire che se una buona volta riesci a chiuderti la porta alle spalle e a non pensarci più, vedrai che avrai freddo e ti sentirai solo e soffierà un ventaccio malefico. E questi sono tutti buoni segni. Tu non dici niente. Ti alzi il colletto e vai avanti.

As far as Serge can tell, Sophie only takes breakfast, and doesn’t even seem to eat that: each time he visits her lab over the next few days he sees sandwiches piled up virtually untouched beside glasses of lemonade that, no more than sipped at, are growing viscid bubbles on their surface like Aphrophora spumaria. Above these, on the wall, the texts, charts and diagrams are growing, spreading. Serge reads, for example, a report on the branchiae of Cercopidida, which are, apparently, “extremely tenuous, appearing like clusters of filaments forming lamellate appendages,” and scrutinises the architecture of Vespa germanica nests: their subterranean shafts and alleyways, their space-filled envelopes and alveolae … Bizarrely, Sophie’s started interspersing among these texts and images the headlines she’s torn from each day’s newspapers. These clippings seem to be caught up in her strange associative web: they, too, have certain words and letters highlighted and joined to ones among the scientific notes that, Serge presumes, must correspond to them in some way or another. One of these reads “Serbia Unsatisfied by London Treaty”; another, “Riot at Paris Ballet.” Serge can see no logical connection between these events and Sophie’s studies; yet colours and lines connect them. Arching over all of these in giant letters, each one occupying a whole sheet of paper, crayon-shaded and conjoined by lines that run over the wall itself to other terms and letter-sequences among the sprawling mesh, is the word Hymenoptera. “Hymenoptera?” Serge reads. “What’s that? It sounds quite rude.” “Sting in the tail,” she answers somewhat cryptically. “The groups contain the common ancestor, but not all the descendants. Paraphyletic: it’s all connected.” She stares at her expanded chart for a long while, lost in its vectors and relays—then, registering his continued presence with a slight twitch of her head, tells him to leave once more.

The Venetians catalogue everything, including themselves. ‘These grapes are brown,’ I complain to the young vegetable-dealer in Santa Maria Formosa. ‘What is wrong with that ? I am brown,’ he replies. ‘I am the housemaid of the painter Vedova,’ says a maid, answering the telephone. ‘I am a Jew,’ begins a cross-eyed stranger who is next in line in a bookshop. ‘Would you care to see the synagogue?’ Almost any Venetian, even a child, will abandon whatever he is doing in order to show you something. They do not merely give directions; they lead, or in some cases follow, to make sure you are still on the right way. Their great fear is that you will miss an artistic or ‘typical’ sight. A sacristan, who has already been tipped, will not let you leave until you have seen the last Palma Giovane. The ‘pope’ of the Chiesa dei Greci calls up to his housekeeper to throw his black hat out the window and settles it firmly on his broad brow so that he can lead us personally to the Archaeological Museum in the Piazza San Marco; he is afraid that, if he does not see to it, we shall miss the Greek statuary there. This is Venetian courtesy. Foreigners who have lived here a long time dismiss it with observation : ‘They have nothing else to do.’ But idleness here is alert, on the qui vive for the opportunity of sightseeing; nothing delights a born Venetian so much as a free gondola ride. When the funeral gondola, a great black-and-gold ornate hearse, draws up beside a fondamenta, it is an occasion for aesthetic pleasure. My neighbourhood was especially favoured this way, because across the campo was the Old Men’s Home. Everyone has noticed the Venetian taste in shop displays, which extends down to the poorest bargeman, who cuts his watermelons in half and shows them, pale pink, with green rims against the green side-canal, in which a pink palace with oleanders is reflected. Che bello, che magnifici, che luce, che colore! - they are all professori delle Belle Arti. And throughout the Veneto, in the old Venetian possessions, this internal tourism, this expertise, is rife. In Bassano, at the Civic Museum, I took the Mayor for the local art-critic until he interupted his discourse on the jewel-tones (‘like Murano glass’) in the Bassani pastorals to look at his watch and cry out: ‘My citizens are calling me.’ Near by, in a Paladian villa, a Venetian lasy suspired, ‘Ah, bellissima,’ on being shown a hearthstool in the shape of a life-size stuffed leather pig. Harry’s bar has a drink called a Tiziano, made of grapefruit juice and champagne and coloured pink with grenadine or bitters. ‘You ought to have a Tintoretto,’ someone remonstrated, and the proprietor regretted that he had not yet invented that drink, but he had a Bellini and a Giorgione. When the Venetians stroll out in the evening, they do not avoid the Piazza San Marco, where the tourists are, as Romans do with Doney’s on the Via Veneto. The Venetians go to look at the tourists, and the tourists look back at them. It is all for the ear and eye, this city, but primarily for the eye. Built on water, it is an endless succession of reflections and echoes, a mirroring. Contrary to popular belief, there are no back canals where tourist will not meet himself, with a camera, in the person of the another tourist crossing the little bridge. And no word can be spoken in this city that is not an echo of something said before. ‘Mais c’est aussi cher que Paris!’ exclaims a Frenchman in a restaurant, unaware that he repeats Montaigne. The complaint against foreigners, voiced by a foreigner, chimes querulously through the ages, in unison with the medieval monk who found St. Mark’s Square filled with ‘Turks, Libyans, Parthians, and other monsters of the sea’. Today it is the Germans we complain of, and no doubt they complain of the Americans, in the same words.

I took the train to New York, where Bill Sweets put me up overnight. In Philadelphia I roomed with Frank Gentile, Universalist minister from St. Johnsbury. Progressive Party convention, July, 1948 Frank and I read copies of the proposed platform: plank after plank condemned United States foreign policy. Not that we wholly disagreed, in most instances, but the implication was that our policy was all wrong while the Soviet policy was all right. This rubbed Frank and me the wrong way. In the first place we didn’t believe this was true. In the second place, the press had been predicting that Wallace would allow his Communist allies to dominate the thinking of the convention; this kind of platform would support the charge. A mischievous thought occurred to Frank, and I guess to me at the same moment: a resolution putting the convention on record as not giving blanket approval to the foreign policy of any nation would a) satisfy those of us who were disinclined to blame Washington for ALL the world’s ills, b) demonstrate that our Communist friends were not dictating to the convention, and thus c) give us a defense, however slight, against some of the Red-baiting we knew we were all going to be subjected to in campaigning for Wallace and the “Progressive Party,” as we soon voted to call ourselves.

If Trump had followed the example of his predecessors and conceded power graciously and peacefully, he would have been remembered as a disruptive but consequential populist leader who, before the coronavirus pandemic, presided over an economic boom, reoriented America’s opinion of China, removed terrorist leaders from the battlefield, revamped the space program, secured an originalist majority on the US Supreme Court, and authorized Operation Warp Speed to produce a COVID-19 vaccine in record time. Instead, when historians write about the Trump era, they will do so through the lens of January 6. They will focus on Trump’s tortured relationship with the alt-right, on his atrocious handling of the deadly Charlottesville protest in 2017, on the rise in political violence during his tenure in office, and on his encouragement of malevolent conspiracy theories. Trump joined the ranks of American villains from John C. Calhoun to Andrew Johnson, from Joseph McCarthy to George Wallace.

Smaller than Delaware, packed with 2.7 million people, the core of a proposed future Palestinian state, the occupied West Bank is partitioned by the Oslo Accords into zones of Palestinian and Israeli control: Areas A, B, and C. Each of the zones has its own restrictions, guidelines, regulations. A political map of the territory looks like an X-ray: a diseased heart, mottled, speckled, clotted, hollowed out.

The president and his subordinates made numerous willful misrepresentations and material omissions of fact in order to (a) discredit opponents of the health insurance legislation commonly known as “Obamacare” (the PPACA), (b) secure political support for the passage of the legislation despite intense public opposition to it, and (c) win his reelection to the presidency by concealing damaging information about the prohibitively high costs and burdens of the PPACA that would have demonstrated that many of his prior representations had been false.

Influences I’d list would be J. P. S. Brown, the author of The Forests of the Night and Jim Kane, who is and always will be one of my favorite authors, along with Steinbeck (The Pearl), Carlos Castaneda (The Teachings of Don Juan), Cormac McCarthy (All the Pretty Horses), and Malcolm Lowry (Under the Volcano). There are other, nonfiction influences such as Shod with Iron by border patrolman C. M. Newsome, The Texas Sheriff: Lord of the County Line by Thad Sitton, and Bill Jordan’s No Second Place Winner.

For them, Donald Trump was anathema: a know-nothing narcissist—as uncouth as Queens—riding a populist-nationalist wave of fellow yahoos that threatened their tidy, multilateral, post–World War II order.1

FISA also instructs that to justify surveilling an American citizen, there must be probable cause that the person is knowingly engaged in clandestine activity on behalf of a foreign power.

The statute elaborates that such activity involves intentional subterfuge, the commission of crimes at the direction of a foreign-intelligence service, using false identities on behalf of a foreign power, or such heinous activities as sabotage and terrorism.

There was only Steele’s say-so that this conspiracy existed.

The government conceded that Obama-administration national-security officials had been aware of the broad scope of the problem since at least January 2016 when the NSA’s IG report was issued—a report that itself had been triggered in early 2015 by the NSA’s awareness of widespread compliance issues.

The PATRIOT Act, for example, stresses that First Amendment protected activity—mere speech, or mere association—is never sufficient by itself to trigger surveillance.20

The only thing resembling evidence—i.e., made to look like authentic intelligence reporting—was the Steele dossier.

The blanks were filled in by unverified tales from the unidentified sources of Christopher Steele, a British spy who perfectly reflected the transnational-progressive pieties of his Fusion GPS collaborators, his Obama-administration admirers, and his global network of current and former spooks.

The Obama administration simultaneously ignored Clinton contacts with Russia, or assumed they simply must have been good-faith contacts, because it saw the Clintons as bien pensant transnational-progressives. The Obama administration bent over backward not to make a criminal case on Hillary Clinton—the candidate Obama heartily endorsed—despite a mountain of incriminating evidence.

At the hearing, the government confessed to various irregularities, most notably that it had for years been unlawfully gathering intelligence on Americans—specifically, using U.S. person identifiers to query the upstream database, in violation of the prohibition that had been in place since 2011.

Russia-gate is a complicated, sprawling story: multiagency and transcontinental; spanning law-enforcement and intelligence operations; featuring top-secret redactions, classified leaks, intricate narrative threads, and a list of dramatis personae that would dizzy a Russian novelist. It is easy to lose track of basic facts. Here’s the most basic one: There was never a shred of evidence that the Trump campaign conspired with the Kremlin. Not to commit espionage. Not to violate any law. Zip, zero, nada.

The government’s Section 702 surveillance program captures more than 250 million internet communications each year.27

There is no evidence, including in the 448-page Mueller report, that Papadopoulos was ever told that Russia intended, through an intermediary, to disseminate damaging information about Clinton in a manner designed to hurt Clinton’s candidacy and help Trump’s.

The United States government’s claim that Russia is responsible for the hacking, while credible and probable, cannot be proved beyond a reasonable doubt. In the absence of sufficient evidence to establish Russia’s guilt in court, there was no way Special Counsel Robert Mueller could ever have proved Donald Trump, his campaign, or anyone else conspired with Russia.

Critically, the absence of proof was just as patent in the summer of 2016 as it is today. They had nothing. There was no evidence of a “conspiracy of cooperation” between Trump and Putin to hack Democratic emails in order to influence the election.

Rod Rosenstein spent the days that followed grappling with the matter of most urgency to the United States of America: how to restore the reputation of Rod Rosenstein.

As this book goes to press, the Obama administration’s decision to use informants is under scrutiny by the Justice Department’s inspector general and prosecutors.

This underscores a major and abusive flaw of the Trump–Russia investigation: In the absence of a solid factual predicate for a criminal investigation, foreign-counterintelligence powers were used as a pretext to dig for criminal evidence that would support a hoped-for prosecution.

Cody got a voice mail. An erudite man’s voice with a touch of country twang: “You’ve reached the voice mail of Jed McCarthy’s Wilderness Adventures, the home of the only licensed multinight outfitter in Yellowstone National Park. We’re on a pack trip right now so we’re unable to take your call. And because of the nature of the trip, I won’t be able to check messages for a week. Please go to our Web site and—” He hung up and called Larry back. “No one is there,” Cody said.

As the machinations of the end-time conspiracy seemed to become more involved, some fundamentalists felt a need to monitor the enemy. Conspiracy theorists share a passion for gathering and collating data matched only by professional intelligence agencies. In 1937, the fundamentalist Church League of America, in Wheaton, Illinois, began to compile dossiers on the enemies of Christ. By the late 1960s, the group claimed to have seven million index cards on subversives, a collection they said was second only to that of the FBI. An associate of Mclntire, Major Edgar C. Bundy, assumed control of the Church League of America in 1956. Using his experience as a former Air Force intelligence officer, Bundy built up a data bank the organization had inherited from J. B. Matthews, a former investigator for Senator McCarthy.

Meanwhile, the NSD and FBI obtained a FISA surveillance warrant against Carter Page on October 21, after Carlin’s departure and before the FISC was alerted to the Section 702 irregularities.

Chicanery was the force behind the formal opening of the FBI’s Trump–Russia investigation. There was a false premise, namely that the Trump campaign must have known that Russia possessed emails somehow related to Hillary Clinton before WikiLeaks caused the dissemination of hacked Democratic National Committee emails to the media, beginning on July 22, 2016.

In this country, it is the public’s right (and a properly functioning media’s responsibility) to question government officials’ use of the powers we entrust to them.

That means the onus is on government investigators to consider beforehand whether the tactics they contemplate using are appropriate. They should not be heard, after the fact, to complain, “How dare you ask me that?

In the end, Turk sent Papadopoulos emails saying that meeting him had been the “highlight of my trip” and gushing, “I am excited about what the future holds for us :)”—the smiley-face symbol accentuating the point.

That is what we learn from the saga of George Papadopoulos, as fleshed out by the Mueller report.

Long before the hacked DNC emails were published, the Obama administration was speculating—whether out of partisanship or predisposition about Trump—that the Republican nominee was in a corrupt conspiracy with Russia to sabotage the election. When the hacked DNC emails were published, Obama officials distorted Papadopoulos’s gossipy statements to an Australian diplomat—which the diplomat himself had initially dismissed as nonsense—into the formal rationalization for commencing a counterintelligence investigation of the Trump campaign that they had already been conducting.

That is to say, a month before WikiLeaks on July 22 began leaking thousands of hacked DNC emails to the press on the eve of the Democratic National Convention, the Clinton campaign–sponsored dossier reports had already framed the collusion narrative into which all subsequent developments would be fit.

The Obama administration, notoriously political in its intelligence assessments and law-enforcement actions, used Trump contacts with Russia as a rationalization for a counterintelligence investigation because it saw Trump as a Neanderthal degenerate.

On October 4, the FISC held a standard follow-up hearing to discuss the government’s September 26 submission. NSD Chief Carlin was reportedly present at the proceeding, which was uneventful because the government, again, failed to disclose the compliance issues the NSA’s internal audits had begun uncovering ten months earlier. Carlin left the government eleven days later, replaced by his deputy, Mary McCord

Starting from that premise, the foreign ministries of the United States and Australia, through mendacity or incompetence, erected a fraudulent story that warped the Trump campaign’s purported foreknowledge of Russia’s perfidy into a potential espionage conspiracy.

The investigative theory on which the FBI formally opened the foreign-counterintelligence probe code-named “Crossfire Hurricane” on July 31, 2016, held that (a) the Trump campaign knew about, and was potentially complicit in, Russia’s possession of hacked emails that would compromise Hillary Clinton; and (b) in order to help Donald Trump win the presidency, the Kremlin planned to disseminate these emails anonymously (through a third party) at a time maximally damaging to Clinton’s campaign.

An unidentified source told The Daily Caller’s Chuck Ross that Turk flirted heavily with Papadopoulos and later attempted (apparently unsuccessfully) to meet Papadopoulos in Chicago, where he lives.20

Turk texted Papadopoulos as soon as he arrived in London, to invite him for drinks. Clearly, the fact that Turk is alluring and was quick to be social was meant to beguile Papadopoulos—to put him at ease to discuss incriminating topics he might otherwise be unwilling to touch on.

Jed McCarthy liked the way the situation was shaping up. He considered himself a kind of master of managing group dynamics, and he had once again proved himself right. He tried not to act too smug or vainglorious about it, although it wasn’t easy.

Obama expelled thirty-five people described as Russian “intelligence operatives.” He slapped sanctions on two Russian intelligence agencies—the military and civilian spy services, respectively, the GRU and FSB, as well as four “cyber officials” and three companies said to support Russian cyber operations. Further, he shuttered Russian-owned buildings on Long Island and Maryland’s eastern shoreline, which were suddenly branded as intelligence operations. Mind you, these facilities and operatives had been up and running throughout Obama’s presidency. No meaningful action was taken against them throughout the 2016 campaign, while Obama was being extensively briefed about Russia’s hacking and propaganda operations. Nor when Russia annexed Crimea, consolidated its de facto seizure of eastern Ukraine, propped up Assad, armed Iran, buzzed U.S. naval vessels, and saber-rattled in the Baltics. Only now, to prop up a postelection emphasis on the Trump–Russia narrative.

family in Minneapolis, blew himself up at a UN checkpoint in 2008, killing twenty-nine people. In September 2009, another Somali immi-grant left his Seattle community to return home and carry out a truck bombing in Mogadishu, killing twenty-one people.18 The case of Ahmed is especially grating. Thanks to the State Department’s refugee resettlement mania, he’d become a naturalized American citizen. So, after his mass-murder attack against U.S.-supported allies in northern Somalia, the FBI, at the expense of the American taxpayer, had his remains (which had become evidence in the Bureau’s terrorism-support investigation) transported back to America so he could be given a

Sharia, the Muslim aversion to canines, and the traditional Islamist focus on dominating the education system proved

Ramadan, the faithful are known to block streets, driveways, and fire-hydrants with their parked cars, and trample across neighborhood yards while approaching the mosque on foot. If, as apologists maintain, jihad really is the internal struggle to become a better person, one wonders why manners seem to degrade as Muslim numbers increase. But wait—if jihad is actually about struggling to implement sharia as the necessary precondition to Islamicizing a society, it all makes perfect sense. The overflow parking situation became intolerable in Falls Church, and to ease it somewhat, neighboring churches offered the use of their lots in an overture of Christian charity. Predictably, Abdul-Malik accepted the ecumenical gesture as a concession. “If Islam really catches on in the area,” he smirked to Sperry, “maybe the neighborhood churches will come over lock, stock, and barrel, and we can all share our parking lots.”8 Islamists are happy to expand Islam’s American enclaves one

For instance, Obama’s IRS harassed and investigated conservative groups seeking tax-exempt status, a politicized initiative that stymied the groups’ ability to contest Obama’s reelection in 2012.

Obama then held no one accountable while his handpicked IRS commissioner, John Koskinen, stonewalled congressional investigators and Lois Lerner, the official at the center of the scandal, retired with a full pension.45

The Obama Civil Rights Division, it should go without saying, will be best remembered for refusing to enforce the civil-rights laws on behalf of white victims; for pushing the administration’s narrative that the nation’s police departments suffer from endemic racism; and for inflaming tensions in such tinderboxes as Ferguson, Missouri, after the shooting death of Michael Brown (Brown had robbed a store and attacked a police officer), and Sanford, Florida, after the shooting death of Trayvon Martin (during a fight, Martin was beating the shooter—a Hispanic man the press labeled a “white Hispanic” in order to stoke the racism storyline).

The administration monitored journalists. Attorney General Eric Holder approved the seizure of personal and business phone records of Associated Press reporters en masse (i.e., not a particularized search targeting a specific journalist suspected of wrongdoing).

As the Civil Rights Division well knew, even as it collaborated with such provocateurs as Al Sharpton’s National Action Network and Black Lives Matter, its threats to bring civil-rights prosecutions in these cases were frivolous.

The civil-rights laws, however, were a useful pretext for launching investigations of municipal police forces; the municipalities could not afford the prohibitive cost of litigating against the Justice Department and its nearly $30 billion per annum budget, so they typically entered consent decrees—agreeing to adopt Obama-dictated policing practices.48

With great indignation, President Obama, the beneficiary of the malfeasance, publicly railed that the IRS conduct was “outrageous,” and that wrongdoers would “have to be held fully accountable” since there was “no place for it.

Moreover, Holder authorized a search warrant targeting the emails of reporter James Rosen, then of Fox News, in a leak investigation. To get the warrant, the Justice Department represented to a federal court that Rosen could be guilty of a felony violation of the Espionage Act for the unauthorized handling of classified information. Yes, the same Espionage Act that the Obama Justice Department chose not to invoke against Hillary Clinton—who was not a journalist with constitutional free-press rights but a public official with a sworn duty to safeguard classified information.

The “Fast and Furious” scandal involved a blatant Obama administration politicization of law enforcement: to wit, a “gun-walking” investigation in which thousands of firearms were allowed to be transferred illegally to Mexico. This cockamamie scheme was designed to serve a political narrative about the evils of American gun commerce, concocted to promote the progressive agenda of restricting Second Amendment rights.

After misleading lawmakers about the Justice Department’s awareness of the scheme and stonewalling investigative committees, Holder became the first attorney general in American history to be held in contempt of Congress.

In an apparent effort to retaliate against and undermine the credibility of ATF Agent John Dodson, a whistleblower who exposed Fast and Furious, the Obama Justice Department leaked investigative information to the media. Shortly before Holder was held in contempt, President Obama invoked executive privilege to shield Fast and Furious documents from disclosure.46

Holder’s Justice Department also corrupted the judicial process in the service of advancing political causes and punishing political enemies and scapegoats.

We have already noted the transparently political prosecution of Nakoula Basseley Nakoula, the anti-Muslim video producer the Obama administration shamefully blamed for the Benghazi massacre.

The Justice Department was also heavy-handed in its indictment of Dinesh D’Souza, the writer, filmmaker, and strident Obama

The Justice Department was also heavy-handed in its indictment of Dinesh D’Souza, the writer, filmmaker, and strident Obama critic, over a trivial campaign finance violation.

In April 2009, Brendalee and Julieanna Flint traveled to Washington, D.C., to speak to congressional staffers about the importance of vaccines. “Parents need to understand that when they choose not to vaccinate, they are making a decision for other people’s children as well,” said Brendalee. “Someone else chose Julieanna’s path. It doesn’t seem fair that someone like Jenny McCarthy can reach so many people while my little girl has no voice.

Like many popular evangelists, Jonah was being a bit too pre-occupied with always appearing to be right but forgetting that, more than a judge, God is, first, a loving parent.

The key operative word is “if.” God is telling Israel that they, themselves, will play a pivotal role in determining what outcome is to be accomplished.