Anti Eu Quotes

Liberal hand-wringing over the electoral victory of the far-right in Italy will not extend to its core ideology: anti-migration. The EU will continue to support Italy’s abandonment and terrorizing of people on the move. Anti-migrant politics truly is the fascist foot in the door.

Depois de alguns anos estudando e fazendo experiências, cheguei a uma conclusão: Não sou eu que sou anti-social, são as pessoas.

But there was a pulling back in the Middle East, and it had two major consequences: it abetted the rise of the Islamic State (ISIS) in Iraq and Syria, and it contributed to the massive outflow of refugees from that region into Europe. That outflow in turn helped to create the anti-immigration backlash that fueled the British withdrawal from the European Union and the rise of populist/nationalist politics inside almost every EU member state. It

Ordinary voters are beginning to sense that the democratic mechanism no longer empowers them. The world is changing all around, and they don’t understand how or why. Power is shifting away from them, but they are unsure where it has gone. In Britain voters imagine that power might have shifted to the EU, so they vote for Brexit. In the USA voters imagine that ‘the establishment’ monopolizes all the power, so they support anti-establishment candidates such as Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. The sad truth is that nobody knows where all the power has gone.

Ordinary voters are beginning to sense that the democratic mechanism no longer empowers them. The world is changing all around, and they don’t understand how or why. Power is shifting away from them, but they are unsure where it has gone. In Britain voters imagine that power might have shifted to the EU, so they vote for Brexit. In the USA voters imagine that ‘the establishment’ monopolizes all the power, so they support anti-establishment candidates such as Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. The sad truth is that nobody knows where all the power has gone. Power will definitely not shift back to ordinary voters if Britain leaves the EU nor if Trump takes over the White House.

The future of democracy in developed countries will depend on their ability to deal with the problem of a disappearing middle class. In the wake of the financial crisis there has been a rise of new populist groups from the Tea Party in the United States to various anti-EU, anti-immigrant parties in Europe. What unites all of them is the belief that elites in their countries have betrayed them. And in many ways they are correct: the elites who set the intellectual and cultural climate in the developed world have been largely buffered from the effects of middle-class decline. There has been a vacuum in new approaches to the problem, approaches that don’t involve simply returning to the welfare state solutions of the past. The proper approach to the problem of middle-class decline is not necessarily the present German system or any other specific set of measures. The only real long-term solution would be an educational system that succeeded in pushing the vast majority of citizens into higher levels of education and skills. The ability to help citizens flexibly adjust to the changing conditions of work requires state and private institutions that are similarly flexible. Yet one of the characteristics of modern developed democracies is that they have accumulated many rigidities over time that make institutional adaptation increasingly difficult. In fact, all political systems—past and present—are liable to decay. The fact that a system once was a successful and stable liberal democracy does not mean that it will

It is quite unfathomable why the EU leadership fails to anticipate these potentially catastrophic possibilities, and fails to respond to popular concerns with more moderate immigration policies. One possible explanation for these perverse policies that has been put forward by highly regarded scholars, such as Samuel Huntington, is that the current leadership of the EU is composed of left-wing authoritarians who are enemies of the Western liberal tradition. According to Huntington, “Multiculturalism is in its essence anti-European... "and opposes its civilization. The official repression of dissent and pursuance of unpopular policies by undemocratic means suggests that such ideologues wish to turn the EU into a centrally controlled empire similar to the Soviet Union. If that is the case, then their current policies make a good deal of sense, in that they flood the continent with people who have lived under autocratic regimes and never lived in democratic republics. Such people may well be willing to tolerate repressive regimes provided they can maintain a moderate standard of living and their own traditional religious practices. As Hunnngton points out, imperial regimes often promote ethnic conflict among their minority citizens to strengthen the power of the central authority, with the not unrealistic claim that a powerful central authority is essential to maintain civil order. But if that is the case, then Europe will be transformed into an authoritarian and illiberal multiethnic empire, undemocratic, economically crippled and culturally retrograde. Is it any wonder that so many see Europe as committing suicide and its end coming "not with a bang, but a whimper?

Europe’s lingering economic malaise is not just a slow recovery. Mainstream forecasts predict that hundreds of millions of Europeans will miss out on the opportunities that past generations took for granted. The crisis-burden falls hardest on Europe’s youth whose lifetime earning-profiles have already suffered. Money, however, is not the main issue. This is no longer just an economic crisis. The economic hardship has fuelled populism and political extremism. In a setting that is more unstable than any time since the 1930s, nationalistic, anti-European rhetoric is becoming mainstream. Political parties argue for breaking up the Eurozone and the EU. It is not inconceivable that far-right or far-left populist parties could soon hold or share power in several EU nations. Many influential observers recognise the bind in which Europe finds itself. A broad gamut of useful solutions have been suggested. Yet existing rules, institutions and political bargains prevent effective action. Policymakers seem to have painted themselves into a corner.

Para essa originalidade básica do Islã pode-se facilmente encontrar explicações terra-a-terra e invocar as razões prementes que impeliam os conquistadores árabes a proteger as existências e os cultos dos dhimmis, laboriosos agricultores ou artesãos, pilares da vida econômica do califado: estado de coisas que acabou recebendo uma "consagração ideológica". Mas eu prefiro colocar a ênfase no outro aspecto da questão e que, talvez, recubra uma verdade mais profunda: a saber, que os doces preceitos de Cristo presidiram ao nascimento da civilização mais combativa, mais intransigente que a história humana conheceu, enquanto que os ensinamentos belicosos de Maomé fizeram nascer uma sociedade mais aberta e mais conciliadora.

D’autre part, nous avons eu aussi l’occasion de faire remarquer la faiblesse, pour ne pas dire plus, de l’attitude qu’on est convenu d’appeler « apologétique », et qui consiste à vouloir défendre une tradition contre des attaques telles que celles de la science moderne en discutant les arguments de celle-ci sur son propre terrain, ce qui ne va presque jamais sans entraîner des concessions plus ou moins fâcheuses, et ce qui implique en tout cas une méconnaissance du caractère transcendant de la doctrine traditionnelle. Cette attitude est habituellement celle d’exotéristes, et l’on peut penser que, bien souvent, ils sont surtout poussés par la crainte qu’un plus ou moins grand nombre d’adhérents de leur tradition ne s’en laissent détourner par les objections scientifiques ou soi-disant telles qui sont formulées contre elle ; mais, outre que cette considération « quantitative » est elle-même d’un ordre assez profane, ces objections méritent d’autant moins qu’on y attache une telle importance que la science dont elles s’inspirent change continuellement, ce qui devrait suffire à prouver leur peu de solidité. Quand on voit, par exemple, des théologiens se préoccuper d’« accorder la Bible avec la science », il n’est que trop facile de constater combien un tel travail est illusoire, puisqu’il est constamment à refaire à mesure que les théories scientifiques se modifient, sans compter qu’il a toujours l’inconvénient de paraître solidariser la tradition avec l’état présent de la science profane, c’est-à-dire avec des théories qui ne seront peut-être plus admises par personne au bout de quelques années, si même elles ne sont pas déjà abandonnées par les savants, car cela aussi peut arriver, les objections qu’on s’attache à combattre ainsi étant plutôt ordinairement le fait des vulgarisateurs que celui des savants eux-mêmes. Au lieu d’abaisser maladroitement les Écritures sacrées à un pareil niveau, ces théologiens feraient assurément beaucoup mieux de chercher à en approfondir autant que possible le véritable sens, et de l’exposer purement et simplement pour le bénéfice de ceux qui sont capables de le comprendre, et qui, s’ils le comprenaient effectivement, ne seraient plus tentés par là même de se laisser influencer par les hypothèses de la Science profane, non plus d’ailleurs que par la « critique » dissolvante d’une exégèse moderniste et rationaliste, c’est-à-dire essentiellement anti-traditionnelle, dont les prétendus résultats n’ont pas davantage à être pris en considération par ceux qui ont conscience de ce qu’est réellement la tradition. [La science profane devant les doctrines traditionnelles]

The sudden and massive influx of refugees from Africa and the Middle East has overwhelmed the absorptive capacity of the European Union and triggered a populist-nationalist backlash, while also prompting the EU to start limiting its policy of free movement of people between countries. The June 2016 British vote to withdraw from the EU was driven in no small degree by anti-immigration sentiment. And

During my stop in Prague, E.U. officials had expressed alarm about the rise of far-right parties across Europe and how the economic crisis was causing an uptick in nationalism, anti-immigrant sentiment, and skepticism about integration. The sitting Czech president, Václav Klaus, to whom I made a short courtesy visit, embodied some of these trends. A vocal “Eurosceptic” who’d been in office since 2003, he was both ardently pro–free market and an admirer of Vladimir Putin’s. And although we tried to keep things light during our conversation, what I knew of his public record—he had supported efforts to censor Czech television, was dismissive of gay and lesbian rights, and was a notorious climate change denier—didn’t leave me particularly hopeful about political trends in central Europe.

Le photographe Hessling, ancien étudiant du Bauhaus, faisait la guerre, en 1943, dans les armées de son pays. La nuit de Noël, au village de Novimgorod, tous les habitants reçurent l'ordre de sortir dans la neige et de chanter leurs cantiques à la lueur des flambeaux tandis que les SS crucifiaient une jeune femme sur la porte de l'église. Son agonie dura la nuit entière. Au lever du jour, la beauté surnaturelle de son visage était inondée de sourire et de larmes. Hessling s'approcha, s'agenouilla et, comme elle semblait dire oui, il la photographia. Peu après, il était exécuté à Kiev comme anti-nazi, traître à l'Allemagne. Il avait eu le temps de remettre son négatif à Wolfgang Borchert. Hessling savait qu'aucune photographie dans le monde ne pouvait être comparée à celle-ci. Il fit promettre à Borchert de la développer au retour de la guerre, de la regarder, puis de la jeter dans l'Elbe, afin que jamais, dans aucun musée, on ne pût s'arrêter et contempler cette crucifixion. Même avec des larmes. C'est peut-être en pensant à cela que Maurice Blanchot, beaucoup plus tard, note dans L'écriture du désastre : "Il y a une limite où l'exercice d'un art, quel qu'il soit, devient une insulte au malheur. Autoportrait en lecteur (page 60)

Não entendo por que as pessoas nos odeiam. Ajudamos todo mundo!”, afirmou ele uma vez, querendo ouvir minha opinião. “Nem eu”, respondi. Eu sabia que era inútil tentar esclarecê-lo sobre as razões históricas e objetivas que nos levaram àquele ponto, portanto optei por ignorar o comentário dele; além disso, não seria nada fácil mudar a opinião de um homem da idade dele. Muitos homens e mulheres jovens entram para as Forças Armadas dos Estados Unidos por causa da propaganda enganosa do governo, que leva as pessoas a acreditar que as Forças Armadas são apenas uma grande Batalha de Honra: se entrar para o Exército, você é um mártir vivo; estará defendendo não só sua família, seu país e a democracia americana, mas também a liberdade e os povos oprimidos do mundo inteiro. Ótimo, não há nada errado com isso; pode até ser o sonho de todos os jovens. Mas a realidade das forças americanas é um tiquinho de nada diferente disso. Para ir direto à conclusão: o resto do mundo pensa nos americanos como um punhado de bárbaros vingativos. Pode ser duro, e eu não acredito que o americano médio seja um bárbaro vingativo. Mas o governo dos Estados Unidos aposta até a última ficha na violência como solução mágica de todos os problemas, e assim o país vai perdendo amigos a cada dia, e parece não dar a menor importância a isso.

The Kremlin switches messages at will to its advantage, climbing inside everything: European right-wing nationalists are seduced with an anti-EU message; the Far Left is co-opted with tales of fighting US hegemony; US religious conservatives are convinced by the Kremlin’s fight against homosexuality. And the result is an array of voices, working away at global audiences from different angles, producing a cumulative echo chamber of Kremlin support, all broadcast on RT.

Colleagues in the office are discussing Britain leaving the EU because the government was compelled to trigger Article 50 (they weren’t) after a referendum nobody wanted produced a clear mandate (it didn’t), because the majority of the country want to leave the EU (they don’t) for reasons that were clearly explained (they weren’t) following a campaign that was run fairly, honestly and legally (it wasn’t).

Milos Zeman is the President of the Czech Republic. He is pro-Russian, is friends with Marine Le Pen and Nigel Farage, endorsed Donald Trump for President, and has ties to Hungary’s Jobbik movement. Zeman has justified the civil war in Ukraine and has denied that Russia has a military presence there. He stated, “I take seriously the statement of foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, that there are no Russian troops [in Ukraine].” Zeman had been consistently verbal in his support for the lifting of Western sanctions on Russia and was against EU sanctions on Russia. He was re-elected President in January 2018 with 51.4% of the vote. He won the majority of the rural vote by exhorting a populist anti-immigrant slogan: “Stop Migrants and [opponent] Drahos. This is our land! Vote Zeman!” Zeman’s chief economic advisor is Martin Nejedlÿ, a former executive of the Russian oil company, Lukoil Aviation Czech. Lukoil was once the second largest oil company in Russia following Gazprom. Martin Nejedlÿ of Prague was also owner of Fincentrum, a financial advisory firm with “more than 2,500 financial advisors” on its website with offices in Prague and Bratislava. The firm has a history of alliances with the Kremlin. The Prime Minister of the Republic’s coalition government is 63-year-old Andrej Babiš. He is a media and agribusiness mogul and the second-richest man in the Czech Republic. ANO is the Action of Dissatisfied Citizens Party that was founded by Babiš that holds a center-right populist platform like many European and American conservative right-

In the January 2015 Greek general elections, a motley coalition of communists and anti-globalists came to power, grouped in a party called Syriza and headed by Alexis Tsipras, who at 40 was the country’s youngest prime minister in the modern era. Syriza had existed only since 2004, but in 2015 it won, and won big, chiefly on a platform of negation and repudiation. The party stood firmly against the European Union, the euro, austere budgets, debt payments, capitalism, the Germans, the banks, “the rich, the markets, the super-rich, the top 10 percent.”31 Syriza had promised what Greek voters wanted: the impossible. Reality intervened. By September 2015, the cranks and unrepentant radicals had been weeded out of the government. Greece remained in the EU, kept the euro, put up with austerity, and bowed respectfully to capitalists, the Germans, and the banks. The promise of radical change had devolved into stasis. Under the youthful communist Tsipras, conditions for the Greek public were similar to what they had been under his middle-aged conservative predecessor. Not surprisingly, support for the populist experiment Syriza represented has collapsed, while Tsipras’s ratings have “nosedived.

j'ai eu besoin de rides j'ai eu besoin de rides de matins et anniversaires maussades pour que je comprenne que je n'écrirai jamais le poème qui laissera tout le monde bouche bée qui écrasera tout – le poème-médicament le poème-parapluie le poème-baume le poème qui démontrera que je ne suis pas telle que je suis (anti-, ultra-, -ique, -ée, -ante) le poème qui sauvera quelqu'un de la mort le poème pour lequel quelqu'un donnera sa vie je ne mourais même pas pour mes proches pourtant n'y touchez pas ce sont des morceaux de chair vive des dents douloureuses qui mâchent toujours les tranches grises des poumons qui aspirent de la suie et expirent de la nicotine je n'écrirai jamais le poème qui me rendra le rire de mon enfance je dessine de petites lignes de petits bâtons je jette la pierre d'un carreau à l'autre je saute sur un pied et je m'imagine que je marche (traduit du roumain par Laetiția Ilea)

Acho que cometi um erro ao começar a escrever. Pelo menos, senti vergonha o tempo todo em que escrevi esta novela: quer dizer que isto já não é literatura, mas um castigo correcional. Afinal, contar histórias compridas, por exemplo, sobre como joguei fora minha vida, metido num canto, por meio da depravação moral, da pobreza do ambiente, do afastamento do que é vivo e do rancor vaidoso no subsolo — juro por Deus, não é nada interessante; num romance, é necessário um herói, mas aqui foram reunidos, de propósito, todos os atributos de um anti-herói e, o mais importante, tudo isso vai produzir uma impressão extremamente desagradável, porque todos nós estamos desacostumados com a vida, todos nós claudicamos, uns mais, outros menos. E estamos tão desacostumados que, às vezes, sentimos certa repugnância da “vida viva” e, por isso, quando os outros nos lembram dela, nem conseguimos suportar. Pois chegamos a tal ponto que já consideramos que a verdadeira “vida viva” é quase um trabalho, quase um emprego e, no fundo, todos estamos de acordo que é melhor ficar nos livros. Então, por que, às vezes, sentimos uma comichão, por que inventamos extravagâncias, o que é que estamos pedindo? Nós mesmos não sabemos. Para nós, seria pior se nossos pedidos extravagantes fossem atendidos. Pois bem, experimentem, pois bem, deem para nós, por exemplo, um pouco mais de independência, desamarrem as mãos de qualquer um de nós, ampliem a esfera de atividade, relaxem a tutela, e nós... sim, eu garanto aos senhores: logo vamos pedir de volta a tutela. Sei que os senhores, talvez, vão se irritar comigo por isso, vão começar a gritar, a bater os pés no chão: “Fale apenas de si mesmo e de suas misérias no subsolo, mas não se atreva a dizer todos nós”. Por favor, senhores, afinal, eu não estou querendo me justificar com essa todosnosice. Quanto a mim, propriamente, acontece apenas que, na minha vida, eu levei às últimas consequências aquilo que os senhores não se atreveram a levar nem à metade do caminho, e ainda por cima tomaram sua covardia como expressão da sensatez, e se consolaram com isso, enganando a si mesmos. Portanto, quem sabe, eu saio de tudo isso até mais “vivo” do que os senhores. Mas examinem com mais atenção! Afinal, nem sabemos onde vive agora este “vivo” nem o que ele é nem como se chama, não é? Deixem-nos sozinhos, sem livros, e na mesma hora vamos ficar confusos, vamos nos perder — não saberemos a que aderir, o que apoiar, o que amar, o que odiar, o que respeitar nem o que desprezar. Para nós, é opressivo até ser gente — gente com corpo e sangue próprios, de verdade; temos vergonha disso, consideramos isso uma humilhação e fazemos de tudo para nos tornarmos uns tais de seres humanos em geral, que nunca existiram. Nós já nascemos mortos e faz tempo que não nascemos mais de pais vivos, e isso nos agrada cada vez mais. Estamos tomando gosto. Em breve, vamos inventar não sei que jeito de nascer de uma ideia. Mas, chega; não quero mais escrever “do Subsolo”. No entanto, ainda não terminam aqui as “memórias” deste paradoxista. Ele não se conteve e seguiu adiante. Mas a nós também parece que podemos parar por aqui.